Normans in Italy

Perpetual Conflict That Led to the Formation of a Unique Kingdom

By: Drew Dunham

When one considers the history of interactions between different religious groups in the medieval Mediterranean, the most obvious and well-known examples are those of the Crusades.  Historians have devoted much time and effort to recover all the facts, anecdotes, and artifacts from these world-changing events.  Pope Urban II (1088-1099) was able to motivate and mobilize an entire religion against another, creating strife throughout Europe and the Mediterranean.  Christian kings travelled long distances, and at great expense, just to partake in these adventures for spiritual gain.  In this same era, another conflict, little-known and seldom studied, took place more than fifty years prior to Pope Urban II’s call to arms, a conflict unjustly relegated to the back pages of history, sometimes read only as footnote to the formation of Italy.  

Long before William the Bastard, Duke of Normandy and claimant to the English throne, invaded the British Isles in 1066 and won the Battle of Hastings, other Normans were busy carving out for themselves small fiefdoms in southern Italy.  These descendants of Vikings, desperate to escape mediocrity and small inheritances in northern France, travelled the breadth of Europe to find their fortunes and fame in southern Italy.  Upon their arrival, these adventurers discovered a region occupied by feuding Catholic Lombards, Greek Christians desperately holding on to the last Italian Byzantine possessions, and Muslim populations mostly concentrated in Sicily.  With no strong central authority and shifting allegiances amongst the local lords, the Normans discovered little unified resistance when inflicting their will upon the local nobility.  Quickly seizing this opportunity for conquest, the Norman knights, led by the numerous sons of Tancred de Hauteville, proceeded to create the beginnings of a kingdom that would last as a political entity for the next seven hundred years.

How did Norman knights, strangers in a distant land, with few allies and surrounded on all sides by rivals, manage to gain control of the entirety of southern Italy in one generation?  The answer to this question, and to further instances of success later in the period, can be attributed to a bond of brotherhood held by all Normans campaigning abroad.  Quick to argue, as all brothers are wont to do, these adventurers would put aside minor differences in order to face a greater threat, presenting a unified front that could withstand even the toughest of challenges.  The common perception is that military prowess was the main contributing factor to Norman success.  However, in this paper I will argue that it was these unbreakable family bonds, along with an uncanny ability to quickly incorporate conquered populations, which allowed the Normans to overcome rivals both within and without their army and truly granted these sons of Tancred their kingdom.

Looming over all topic-specific studies are two different views of the meta-study of Mediterranean history.  Fernand Braudel’s volumes of The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World in the Age of Philip II, first published in 1949, are some of the most influential studies conducted on Mediterranean history, and while his material covers a time period well after the rise of the Normans, it is still useful to consider his techniques and project them backwards in time to Sicily, Italy, and other regions to the Levant.  Braudel emphasizes geography above all; the natural contours of the land shape its history, with people and ideals playing second stage to the landscape.  Arguing that civilization started in mountainous regions, for security purposes, mankind has since spread out to cover all regions, with exception to those areas too dangerous for human habitation.  Braudel’s writing is very structured and with no room for varying interpretations; the geography is what it is, and no amount of luck or fate ever had any effect on the conquests and adventures of these marauding knights.  If viewed through Braudel’s microscope, then the conquest of Italy and Sicily fits neatly into place in the historical tapestry of the region.  Isolated valleys, and the island of Sicily itself, would have been easy to conquer for this extremely fast and highly mobile army.  I think there is much more to this story, however, and my findings tend to lean on events that do not fit neatly into the structure of Braudel’s Mediterranean.

Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell, two British authors who have attempted to challenge the predominant French school of thought and reinvent the way to study Mediterranean history, wrote a book called The Corrupting Sea in which they argue against Braudel and others like him.  The Corrupting Sea lays out its information in such a way to convince the readers that all peoples and events in the region are interconnected, and that focusing on just one aspect of history and applying it across the board to all subjects is folly.  Horden and Purcell, disregarding geography as a driving historical force, instead focus on the Mediterranean and its ability to connect even the most distant regions.  Using the term “micro-ecologies”, their book uses specific examples to illustrate how regions with a wide variety of geographical features, like the Biqa valley in Lebanon or the island of Melos in the Aegean, still experience history through the same lens: that of interconnectedness, a merging of peoples and cultures, an ever-changing struggle for survival in which humans constantly seek to mold the patterns of nature to their benefit.  While marginalizing Braudel, The Corrupting Sea influences the reader in accepting its version of events as the only possible way to accurately view history.  While I agree to a point with their findings, especially considering my topic and what the sources describe, there is a hesitancy to take Horden and Purcell at face value, mainly because they are quick to discredit esteemed and legitimate studies conducted prior to their publication.  Fortunately, the conflict between these two studies creates a middle ground for research, utilizing Braudel’s structure and Horden and Purcell’s connectivity to create context for the events we find described in primary sources.

When focusing on more specific aspects of the Mediterranean, authors have either taken the path of least resistance in recounting political narratives and the events surrounding important historical figures or have gone to great lengths to describe very specific topics.  Gordon S. Brown and his book The Norman Conquest of Southern Italy and Sicily provide exactly the type of narrative necessary for conducting research and fleshing out a thesis.  Building upon the works of previous historians, Brown can safely make claims about the general actions of Normans campaigning in Sicily, such as when he states that Roger I “…. laid the foundations in the short term for domestic peace, and in the long term, for the remarkably tolerant, multicultural approach that would characterize Norman rule of the island.”  Claims of this type enable other authors to elaborate and complete the picture of how the Normans managed to make enemies of an entire region and yet still create a kingdom known for its innovations and multicultural cooperation.

 Brian Catlos is an outstanding example of the latter author, with his book Infidel Kings and Unholy Warriors providing a comprehensive study in which to understand Mediterranean history in general, and more specifically the way conquering Normans were able to subjugate and then effectively rule people of differing faiths and cultures.  Some areas of interest Catlos describes are the ways Norman government effectively utilized Muslim and other eastern influences to govern their diverse and volatile subjects.  Catlos explains how the creation and employment of eunuchs, a strictly-eastern concept, helped Roger II gain prestige and influence among his Muslim subjects and foreign dignitaries visiting his kingdom. Examples like this show how the minutia of everyday rule can be applied to the greater historical context presented by narratives and biographies of important rulers. 

Again, it would be incorrect to consider this view of the Mediterranean Catlos describes in his book as the only way to interpret the primary sources and attribute it to all medieval history in the region.  Other authors have instead focused on the conflict itself taking place in the Mediterranean, especially the very obvious examples of the Crusades, and view this strife as the driving force behind all history in the same time period.  Thomas Madden is an author that has contributed to this viewpoint with his book The New Concise History of the Crusades, in which he focuses on the narratives that play out between major political figures of the time, including European kings, Saracen generals, and the Papacy itself.  Replete with maps showing the routes of travelling crusaders, Saracen conquests in the Levant, and other images meant to assist the reader in visualizing the scene, Madden then describes his actors in a way that is meant to tell a story, like when he describes the English King Richard I (1189-99) as “….the epitome of French Chivalric culture.” A natural conflict arises between Madden and Catlos’s two different styles, but just like with Braudel and Horden and Purcell, there is a middle ground between the two different styles of history where we can find different aspects of the Norman conquests in the Mediterranean.

The history of the Mediterranean is long and convoluted, a fact made even more apparent when looking at how historians have addressed and studied its past.  My research on the Norman kingdoms in Italy has brought me into contact with various works by many experts in the field of medieval Mediterranean history, all with a different point of view on how to interpret the primary sources available.  Supplementing my research with these previous studies not only gives me a starting point for general information, but also the historical context and contemporary understanding of Norman conquests necessary to describe them in a way that would do them justice.  While reading authors like Braudel or Catlos, it is easy to see how a one-sided interpretation of the sources can work to fit a specific belief of how history should be studied and presented.  I believe my own interpretation of Norman activities in the Mediterranean place them under the label of anomaly; not easily fitting into one particular view of history, like Braudel’s rigid order or Madden’s unwavering conflict between Muslims and Christians, these knights reveled in battle, causing havoc and catching the unsuspecting Italian nobles off guard, and upsetting the natural local order by fighting anyone within reach.  Fitting more snugly into Horden and Purcell’s vision of interconnection, where the individual fight for survival impacted the entire surrounding area, the consequences of the Norman invasion would reverberate across time and space, affecting the local political and social atmosphere for centuries.  In my attempt to address these various authors and their studies, and reconcile the information contained within each author’s style, I hope my readers understand how studying Mediterranean history brings up sometimes conflicting, other times complementing views of study, not only between each other but also with my research as a whole.  Much in the same way did the Normans conduct themselves in the Mediterranean; constantly at strife with those around them (and sometimes amongst themselves), the descendants of Tancred still found a way to prevail against impossible odds, usually with the assistance of close family members and critical, albeit shifting, allegiances with local rulers.  My argument follows both a chronological and military order; starting with initial Norman conquests in Italy, we will then visit the campaigns to conquer Sicily, and finally end with Norman adventures in the First Crusade.  The rest of this paper will address these blood bonds between Normans, how they impacted the local area, and how a shrewd understanding of governing different cultures led to the creation of one of the most intriguing kingdoms of the Medieval Mediterranean. 

My initial research brought me into contact with many primary sources, and finding the trends helped narrow them down to develop my thesis.  Knowing I wanted to focus on Norman activity prior to the first Crusade, my focus was directed towards three initial works: The History of the Normans by Amatus of Montecassino, the poem Gesta Roberti Wiscardi composed by William of Apulia, and Geoffrey Malaterra’s The Deeds of Count Roger of Calabria and Sicily and of Duke Robert Guiscard, his brother.  It is this last history which I found most intriguing, as it highlights many of the struggles facing the Normans as they rampaged through Italy in the middle of the eleventh century.  Understanding that the key points of my developing thesis could be found in Malaterra, my research led me to events and chronicles composed by authors a few decades later, including the works of the Byzantine princess Anna Comnena and the writings of Ralph of Caen, a clergyman who joined Tancred’s contingent in 1107.  The additional narratives of Norman armies outside of Italy not only reinforces my thesis, but also shows how the bonds I consider so crucial to Norman success manifest themselves in the actions of later descendants of Tancred deHauteville.

To provide context for the Norman invasion and the difficulties they faced, it is easiest to describe the political and religious state the sons of Tancred found when they set foot on Italian soil.  Sitting in the geographical center of the Mediterranean, southern Italy and Sicily had long been a region of overlapping religions and cultures, with competing Greeks, Catholics, and Muslims creating an atmosphere of shifting power, with different groups holding power at different times.  After the split of the Roman Empire in 285 CE, control of the region continued to shift between western Rome and eastern Byzantium; this lack of central authority created a situation in which Muslim invaders, starting in 827, took control of Sicily and parts of the Italian mainland, very similar to how Normans would achieve their success two centuries later.  Lombard lords, always looking to increase their own power, eliminate rivals, and shake off the yoke of Papal influence, eagerly hired ever-increasing numbers of mercenary bands to fill out their Italian armies.  This included Norman bands of warriors, led by the eldest sons of Tancred, and their military prowess soon set them apart from other knights in the region. One other critical reason for the political fragmentation encountered by the Normans was the feud taking place between the German Emperors and the Papacy; rival families within Rome, combined with political pressure from the Germans, created a schism within the church where two Popes claimed the throne in Rome.  Desperate for help, Pope Nicolas II (1059-61) enlisted the aid of the Normans, setting up a future in which Norman conquests were approved, even encouraged, in some cases, by the Holy Church.  Let us move on to the first of our sources to see exactly how the Normans created a kingdom out of this volatile atmosphere of political intrigue. 

The Deeds of Count Roger sets the reader in Southern Italy at the mid-point of the eleventh century, but Normans had been travelling to the volatile region for decades to hire out their services as mercenary bands.  Malaterra describes the initial conquests of the eldest sons of Tancred, then moves into a more focused view of the two brothers who would achieve the most success, Robert Guiscard and Roger, the youngest son of Tancred.  Emphasizing the conquest of Sicily in the latter two thirds of his book, Malaterra’s insight into the relationship shared by the two brothers is invaluable.  His writing adequately captures the emotions experienced by both brothers over the course of their intertwined careers, and much of my thesis is based on these events taking place between the brothers and the rest of the extended Norman ruling class.

In order to show how strong the bonds were between these two brothers and their armies, it is especially helpful to place their achievements into context by describing the numerous foes and setbacks facing these northern warriors.  Always the interloper or invader, Norman knights were considered the scourge of southern Italy, making enemies throughout the region who would continue to resist Norman rule, even after being conquered.  At one point early in the campaign, a massive Lombard conspiracy attempted to eliminate every Norman commander in Italy, on the same day, in one fell stroke.  Frequent assassination attempts plagued the deHautevilles, sometimes perpetrated by those considered to be recently converted allies.  Count Drogo, the second son of Tancred to rule Apulia, was murdered while walking into church by the man he had appointed godfather of his son. Whenever any of the deHautevilles were away from their power base for too long, Malaterra consistently describes how these commanders “…. suffered some form of injury from virtually everyone under his authority.” Referring here to Robert Guiscard after his initial forays into Sicily with his brother Roger, this language shows how tenuous a grasp the Normans held on their conquered territory.  It would become common practice for the Normans to keep one eye on their potential conquests of Muslim and Greek cities and keep the other on the activities of their subjects, always ready for treason or rebellion.

With so many nobles looking to topple the ruling class of the Normans, Robert took advantage of every opportunity to secure allegiances with powerful men in the lands he conquered.  Lombard princes and Muslim emirs were some of the known targets of Robert’s political maneuvers, including the ruling family of Salerno.  Knowing their influence and amenity could sway other nobles to fall in line and accept the yoke of Norman rule, Robert had his marriage to his first wife annulled (under pretenses that hadn’t bothered him at the outset of the marriage, not surprisingly) and married the daughter of Guaimar, Prince of Salerno.  This political move was extremely thoughtful and full of vision, as any sons born of this union would hold the loyalty of both Norman knights and the local Italian nobles of Robert’s duchy. It is not clear if Robert intended for long-term dominion of the region to pass to his heirs, but his actions certainly speak of an awareness on his part to build lasting alliances with the ruling class in the region. This strategy also applied to the numerous followers of Islam in the area.  Already familiar with the ever-shifting power struggle between the Muslim rulers of Sicily, Robert and Roger quickly exploited any weakness they perceived would give them an advantage.  Brian Catlos gives the reader a birds-eye political view of the region when he describes in Infidel Kings the end of the Kalbid dynasty and a fragmented Islamic state where “…. local military commanders each declared their independence and set out to make the island theirs.” Seeking allies in their own struggles, foolish emirs enlisted the aid of the Normans, not realizing that Robert and Roger would use the abundant chaos in Sicily to achieve their own goal of subjugating the entire island.  During the long invasion of Sicily, Muslim troops were enlisted to fight their religious brothers on behalf of the Norman conquerors.  Respect for local customs was also an effective tool used by the Normans; when subjugating certain cities, the local councils were allowed to maintain control of the common operations of running the city.  This included retaining local laws instead of forcing the adoption of strange French regulations, showing a tolerant and forward-thinking side of Norman government. Instead of recklessly rushing headlong into conflict, the Normans continuously showed political savvy, often leaning on native allies for support. 

Besides politics, the sons of Tancred relied upon their personality and reputation to help maintain their hold on new lands and cities.  In many instances the brothers are described as being extremely generous with captured wealth, making sure their men are taken care of before portioning off some of the booty for their personal gain.  Malaterra writes of this exact situation when he describes Robert interacting with mercenary Slavs that had attached themselves to Guiscard, rewarding them and honoring them to a point where “…. he had practically transformed them into brothers, so loyal they were to him.” As you can see directly in the sources, this strategy applied to all knights, not just the Norman adventurers and family members in Italy.  It was critical for Roger, like his brother before him, to gain allies amongst his newly-conquered subjects in Sicily. Knights from surrounding regions, in addition to fresh Norman recruits from the homeland, were enriched by the generosity of the deHautevilles in order to secure their services and their loyalty.  Norman commanders understood the local fighting elite, and rather than alienate them with new laws or suspicion, these knights were welcomed into the army without hesitation.  Always eager to enlarge their armies, Robert and Roger relied upon victory to keep their subjects happy, but whenever dissension arose, the two were always ready to personally rush to the assistance of their fellow countrymen.

When all other means had failed, Robert and Roger unflinchingly leaned upon each other for strategic, logistical, and even emotional assistance.  This was not only true of later campaigns conducted by the brothers, but characteristic of all operations undertaken by Normans from the outset of their adventures in Italy.  Humphrey, consumed by grief and rage over the previously mentioned murder of his brother Drogo, set himself on a personal mission to revenge his loss upon the Italians who had conspired against the conquering Normans.  Fully aware of the implications of invading a foreign land, far from home and surrounded by enemies, Normans knew how important it would be to maintain a close-knit shield wall of alliances capable of repulsing foreign invaders and crushing local revolts.  Fortunately for the marauding armies, they had a perfect example of this crucial unbreakable body of leadership in the form of the brothers and immediate family of the deHautevilles.  The consolidation of all Norman forces under one leader began with William in 1040, with the role of commander being transferred down the line of brothers, through the popular vote of the soldiers, until Robert inherited the responsibility after his brother Humphrey’s death. It was here that a renewed frenzy of conquest began in Calabria and Sicily, and where Robert depended on his brother Roger’s aid more than any pair of deHauteville siblings that had come before.

More than anything else, Robert Guiscard needed able commanders whom he could trust, and he found his staunchest ally in his youngest brother, Roger.  Soon after his arrival from France, Roger distinguished himself as a competent leader and fierce fighter, always placing himself at the front of the charge, aware of the needs of his soldiers, and dutifully carrying out his brother’s orders.  Robert soon learned to rely on Roger’s skills, and the two quickly became steadfast friends and allies, not just for practical reasons but because of the fraternal bonds the two possessed. Their adventures together were not always marked by extreme cooperation and brotherly love, but the genuine comradery these two shared with each other is made evident throughout the text.  Duke Robert felt so strongly about his younger brother that he “…. placed his brother’s life above all profit.” After a particularly daring raid in which the city of Messina fell to Roger, the two brothers were reunited, with Malaterra describing how the two brothers were “overjoyed” to find each other safe. Even in times of disagreement, Roger would set aside his conflict with Robert in order to come to the latter’s rescue.  When Robert was captured by a Sicilian mob claiming to be aligned with Roger, Roger urgently travelled to the town they were holding Robert in order to secure his release.  Feigning joy at his capture, Roger bluffed the town into releasing Robert into his own care for the punishment of his transgressions, threatening the leaders of the mob with extreme retribution if any harm should come to his brother at their hands.  Upon their reunion, Roger dropped all pretenses of anger and the two brothers tearfully embraced, grateful for each other and their close friendship that had again saved the day. This bond between brothers, and between other members of the extended deHauteville family, would prove invaluable to maintaining control of rebellious subjects and dissident factions within the Norman army itself.

Yet another positive consequence of these family ties was the reputation the sons of Tancred were building within the region as an unstoppable force based on teamwork and mutual respect.  In fact, so important was this unified front projected to the local nobles that when disagreements occasionally arose within the deHauteville dynasty, Malaterra considers it important enough to note that times of unrest were exploited by disgruntled nobles hoping to shake off Norman dominion of their lands.  During a spate between Robert and Roger, ambitious Calabrians rebelled and seized a castle, killing all the Norman occupants inside.  Upon hearing the news, Robert immediately reconciled with his brother and together the two of them ravaged the local area, making an example of those who were resisting, and further binding the region to their control. In the previous story of Robert’s abduction, the only thing postponing a quick and brutal death at the hands of a Sicilian mob was fear of retaliation from the rest of the Tancred clan.  Using their hesitation to his advantage, the crafty Robert recommended restraint, as his death would bring unstoppable ruin on the heads of those with Norman blood on their hands. At other times, cooperation between Norman nobles took the form of agreements to swap ownership of certain cities, as is the case when Roger Borsa and his half-brother Bohemond reconciled.  Promises had been made by each man to the ruling elite of their target city in order to secure their surrender; swapping possession of these towns freed both brothers from their obligations to the newly-conquered citizens. After the death of Robert Guiscard, his son and heir Roger Borsa frequently called upon his uncle Roger to help quell rebellions and unrest in southern Italy.  So fearsome was Roger’s reputation, combined with the concrete bonds joining him and his nephew, that rebels and usurpers had trouble finding enough men to back them in their schemes.  When Borsa’s brother-in-law William attempted to steal the dukedom for himself, his plan failed because no nobles in their right mind would defy the combined justice of Borsa and Roger. With a legacy this strong, it is no surprise that the deHautevilles were able to conglomerate such a large area under their control, building a kingdom that would hold social and political relevance for the next few centuries.

Forming a new kingdom comprised of three separate cultures, two different religions, and multiple nobles vying for power was a formidable task for the minority Norman ruling class.  Keeping the Norman lords happy was the first step to maintaining a lasting peace; numerous times did the sons of Tancred resort to gift giving and land grants to win the allegiance of lords and knights to their cause.  During Robert’s campaigns in the Balkans, he regularly rewarded cities who surrendered without a fight, hoping their example would influence neighboring cities to do the same. Catlos writes about similar situations, particularly regarding the siege of Palermo.  When a delegation of Muslims agreed to a parlay, Robert accepted their demands of maintaining Muslim law while submitting to their Norman conquerors. This kind of attitude served the Normans well as they continued to bring ever more diverse groups of people into the fold, even going so far as encouraging Muslim lords to convert to Christianity in order to keep their possessions.  In fact, when the last Muslim commander on Sicily agreed to convert and surrender his fortress, Roger rewarded him with lands in Calabria, grateful to have taken possession of the fortress without a struggle. Multiple techniques were used to create what would become an inclusive, tolerant government where Christians and Muslims, despite their track record of violence in other regions of the Mediterranean, would find a way to live harmoniously with each other.  One of the most provocative examples of this coexistence is the allowed continuation of Sharia law in Muslim communities, and the acceptance of swearing on the Quran, even between Muslims and non-Muslims. Sensitive to the circumstances of each individual situation, Robert and Roger, along with their ever-increasing list of allies, created a kingdom that would be remembered throughout history as the first of its kind to promote religious equality and cooperation in a period more often associated with jihad and the Reconquista.

Malaterra ends his history of Guiscard and Count Roger by describing the situation brewing in Anatolia and the Levant.  Pope Urban II, in his sermon at Clermont in 1095, implored all good Christians to take up arms in defense of their eastern brothers in Christ, the Byzantines, and crush the infidel threat knocking on the door of Constantinople.  The First Crusade was another excellent opportunity for the descendants of Tancred to acquire more lands in the Mediterranean, an act made possible by the feats of Bohemond and his nephew Tancred, Prince of Galilee.  Much in the same way Normans had dominated southern Italy, so too did these two descendants of Tancred deHauteville blaze a path of glory towards Jerusalem.  The Emperor of Byzantium, Alexios, understood that this army could not be broken apart through subversion; the reputations of Bohemond and Tancred were so great that Alexios was advised instead to assist the Christians and speed them on their way to the Levant, removing the threat of plunder from his own lands. The adventures of the Norman crusaders were marked by the same difficulties as the Sicily campaign: surrounded on all sides by hostile enemies, Bohemond and Tancred were left to rely on each other for support.  Not only were enemies of Christianity constantly pressuring their armies, but conflicts arose amongst European leaders taking part in the Crusade.  Differing opinions on tactics, overall strategy, and the constant argument over the spoils of battle would create rifts within the Frankish leadership, weakening the Christian army and further jeopardizing what was already a risky undertaking.  The First Crusade resulted in victory and the conquest of Jerusalem, along with other cities and counties along the way.  Tancred had distinguished himself throughout the campaign, fighting valiantly at the front of his troops and winning great victories for Christ.  These actions served to reconcile most European leaders to his side, creating a strong base of support from which to rule Antioch, the newest Norman stronghold in modern-day Turkey.  Bohemond had left Tancred with this great honor while he travelled back to Europe to build support for the new Christian kingdoms in the holy lands, emulating his father’s example by trusting his most critical matters to family care.  Living in a renewed state of conflict, the Normans had once again created a lasting coalition, centered on Antioch, which would serve as an example of how to effectively rule a diverse group of people. 

Following in the footsteps of their Viking ancestors, the sons of Tancred set out to gain their fortune far from home.  Through efforts both militant and political, these Norman adventurers wreaked havoc upon the Italian countryside while at the same time building a reputation as some of the most competent fighters in all of Europe.  Outnumbered, and with political foes and assassins lurking around every corner, these men banded together, first for mutual protection, then for cooperative conquest.  The brothers of deHauteville, fond of each other and always ready to assist those in need, set an example for their descendants to follow.  It is remarkable how even decades later, sons continued to fight alongside fathers, uncles supported nephews, and distant family was treated like the closest blood relations.  The Normans, through both their military prowess and their unshakeable determination to remain a unified force in the face of daunting enemies, were able to conquer one of the most important regions in the Mediterranean, and then successfully rule said area with wisdom and foresight.  The fact that these Catholic warriors were able to govern such a diverse group of people falls in line with Catlos and his view of connectedness permeating society throughout the Mediterranean.  He argues that conflict is not absolute, and while the conquests of the Normans were violent and ruthless, their actions afterwards tend to support this view of history.  While the narratives of Madden are necessary to understand the full context of this situation, there is so much more to this story than just a war between Muslims and Christians.  If this was the case, Sicily might not be the beacon of coexistence it became, but instead a slaughterhouse and one of the greatest areas of religious persecution in the Mediterranean.  Norman nobility successfully managed to subjugate an entire region to its will, all while keeping the economic and social systems already in place (for the most part).  Their accomplishments, sometimes overshadowed by larger trends occurring in the same era, are no less remarkable, regardless of their lack of popularity.  The Norman Kingdom of Sicily was built centuries before its time, with many historians considering it a precursor to the modern day secular state.  In the midst of this extraordinary situation, the sons of Tancred fought at each other’s side, shared in both victory and defeat, and ultimately created a legacy that would unite an entire region in peaceful coexistence.

Bibliography

Braudel, Fernand. The Mediterranean and the Mediterranean World In the Age of Philip II. New York: Harper & Row, 1972.

Brown, Gordon S. The Norman Conquest of Southern Italy and Sicily. North Carolina: McFarland and Company, 2003.

Catlos, Brian A. Infidel Kings and Unholy Warriors: Faith, Power, and Violence in the Age of Crusade and Jihad. New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2015.

Horden, Peregrine, and Purcell, Nicholas. The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History. Oxford [U.K.]: Blackwell, 2000.

Madden, Thomas F. The New Concise History of the Crusades. Lanham, Md: Rowman & Littlefield, 2006.

Malaterra, Geoffrey. The Deeds of Count Roger of Calabria and Sicily and of His Brother Duke Robert Guiscard. Trans. Kenneth Baxter Wolf. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 2005.

Matthew, Donald. The Norman Kingdom of Sicily. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992.

Loud, G.A. and Metcalfe, A. The Society of Norman Italy. Leiden, The Netherlands: Koninklinjke Brill, 2002.

Ralph of Caen. The Gesta Tancredi of Ralph of Caen: A History of the Normans on the First Crusade. Ed. Bernard S. Bachrach and David Stewart Bachrach. Burlington, Vermont: Ashgate, 2012.